First, because, in the first case, the right of conquest being in fact
no right at all, it could not serve as a foundation for any other right,
the conqueror and the conquered ever remaining with respect to each
other in a state of war, unless the conquered, restored to the full
possession of their liberty, should freely choose their conqueror for
their chief. Till then, whatever capitulations might have been made
between them, as these capitulations were founded upon violence, and of
course de facto null and void, there could not have existed in this
hypothesis either a true society, or a political body, or any other law
but that of the strongest. Second, because these words strong and weak,
are ambiguous in the second case; for during the interval between the
establishment of the right of property or prior occupation and that of
political government, the meaning of these terms is better expressed by
the words poor and rich, as before the establishment of laws men in
reality had no other means of reducing their equals, but by invading the
property of these equals, or by parting with some of their own property
to them. Third, because the poor having nothing but their liberty to
lose, it would have been the height of madness in them to give up
willingly the only blessing they had left without obtaining some
consideration for it: whereas the rich being sensible, if I may say so,
in every part of their possessions, it was much easier to do them
mischief, and therefore more incumbent upon them to guard against it;
and because, in fine, it is but reasonable to suppose, that a thing has
been invented by him to whom it could be of service rather than by him
to whom it must prove detrimental.
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